The question of whether there is still racism in South Africa more than 30 years after the end of apartheid continues to generate intense debate both domestically and internationally. Recent controversies involving U.S. President Donald Trump and tech billionaire Elon Musk have thrust this issue into the global spotlight, with competing narratives about the state of racial relations in Africa’s most industrialised nation.
The evidence suggests a complex picture: while South Africa has made significant legal and political progress since 1994, racism remains deeply embedded in economic structures, social patterns, and everyday interactions. Even young South Africans born after apartheid—the “born free” generation—report that race continues to impact their lives significantly. Rethabile Ratsomo, who works at the Anti-Racism Network and Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, observes: “Many people continue to normalise racial discrimination and perpetuate harmful behaviours. Racism remains rife.”
The machinery of Apartheid and its economic legacy
Understanding contemporary racism in South Africa requires examining the systematic nature of apartheid, the legal system of racial segregation that governed the country from 1948 to 1994.
Apartheid, meaning “apartness” in Afrikaans, created a comprehensive architecture of oppression. The National Party government classified all South Africans into racial categories—White, Black, Coloured, and Indian—which determined virtually every aspect of life, including residence, employment, education, and healthcare access.
Between 1960 and 1983, approximately 3.5 million Black South Africans were forcibly removed from their homes and relocated to impoverished “homelands” or bantustans. The disparities in healthcare access were stark: in 1990, white areas had one doctor per 900 residents compared to one per 4,100 in Black areas. Dental care showed even greater disparity, with one dentist per 2,000 residents in white areas versus one per 2,000,000 in Black areas.
Despite three decades of democracy, economic inequality remains extreme. The World Bank’s 2022 report found that South Africa ranks as the most unequal country in the world, first among 164 countries. The report states that 80% of the country’s wealth is concentrated in 10% of the population, with race remaining a primary factor in this distribution.
The racial wealth gap persists despite economic growth. While South Africa’s GDP increased from $153 billion in 1994 to $458 billion in 2011, Black South African households continue to receive a disproportionately small share. The income Gini coefficient stands at approximately 0.67, while the wealth Gini coefficient reaches between 0.9 and 0.95, indicating severe inequality.
Unemployment statistics reveal persistent racial disparities. Between 2011 and 2017, unemployment for Black South Africans increased from 28.6% to 31%, while white South Africans experienced rates of 5.8% to 6.7%. When employed, white South Africans earn nearly three times the average wage of Black workers. A 2015 Statistics South Africa report attributed 74% of overall income inequality to labor market inequality.
The cappuccino workplace and school battlegrounds
Analysts have described South Africa’s workplace racial dynamics using the metaphor of a cappuccino—predominantly brown at lower levels and predominantly white at senior levels.
Despite Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) legislation, transformation in executive leadership remains slow. Research indicates that Black professionals frequently report experiences that suggest ongoing discrimination, though perspectives on these experiences vary.
Black professionals describe various challenges in corporate environments. Some report being the only person of colour in leadership teams, which research shows can create psychological stress. Others mention receiving comments that imply they were hired primarily to meet B-BBEE requirements rather than for their qualifications.
A University of Cape Town report found evidence of systematic barriers for Black academics, with qualified Black candidates being passed over for employment and promotion. Research also documents subtle forms of discrimination where Black employees report facing different expectations and scrutiny compared to their white colleagues.
Educational institutions continue to grapple with racial issues. South African schools have experienced several high-profile incidents in 2024, including allegations at Pretoria High School for Girls, Jeppe High School for Girls, and Pinelands High School. The average Grade 8 student today was born in 2010—16 years into democracy—yet racial tensions persist in educational settings.
Issues include hair policies that disproportionately affect Black students, resource disparities between historically white and historically Black schools, and institutional practices that may disadvantage Black students.
Spatial segregation represents one of apartheid’s most enduring legacies. The apartheid government deliberately designed cities to separate racial groups, creating “buffer zones” between white areas and Black townships. Three decades later, most Black South Africans still live in townships characterised by inadequate infrastructure, limited access to basic services, underfunded schools, and long commutes to employment centres.
White South Africans earning over $60,000 annually outnumber Black South Africans in that bracket by approximately 20 to 1, despite Black people comprising over 75% of the population. Many Black workers commute over an hour each way from townships to work in affluent areas for relatively low wages.
The Trump-Musk-Ramaphosa saga
In 2025, South African racial issues became a focal point of international controversy, primarily due to claims made by U.S. President Donald Trump and his advisor Elon Musk.
Elon Musk was born in Johannesburg in 1971 and raised under apartheid until leaving for Canada in 1989. His grandfather, Joshua Haldeman, immigrated to South Africa in 1950 and supported the apartheid system. Musk’s family enjoyed considerable wealth during this period, with his father Errol describing the apartheid era to The Guardian as a time with “no crime” when “blacks and whites got on very well.”
Musk has characterised post-apartheid South Africa’s policies as having “racist ownership laws” and has warned of white “genocide.” His concerns appear to be focused on affirmative action policies, including his Starlink company being denied a South African license for not meeting the Black empowerment criteria.
In February 2025, President Trump signed an executive order suspending aid to South Africa, which primarily funded HIV/AIDS prevention programs. The administration cited alleged “genocide” against white Afrikaners as justification.
According to South African government statistics, there were 19,696 murders between April and December 2024. Of these, 36 were connected to farms, with only seven victims being farmers. The remaining victims were predominantly Black farm workers. AfriForum, a group advocating for Afrikaner interests, reports 49-50 farm murders in 2022-2023. The UN definition of genocide requires acts committed with the intent to destroy a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group—a threshold experts say is not met in South Africa.
On May 21, 2025, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa met with President Trump at the White House. The meeting became contentious when Trump dimmed the Oval Office lights to play videos he claimed showed evidence of white genocide. The videos included footage of Julius Malema, leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters party (which received 9% of the vote), singing “Kill the Boer”—an apartheid-era protest song. Trump also showed images he claimed were mass graves of white farmers.
Reuters confirmed that the “mass grave” footage actually originated from the Democratic Republic of Congo, not South Africa. South Africa’s presidential spokesperson described the presentation as “a poor compilation of old videos” and disputed its accuracy.
Throughout the meeting, with Elon Musk present, Ramaphosa attempted to provide context. He explained that most violent crime victims in South Africa are Black, not white, and brought prominent white South Africans—including businessman Johann Rupert and golfers Ernie Els and Retief Goosen—to address the genocide claims. Ramaphosa noted, “If there was Afrikaner farmer genocide, I can bet you, these three gentlemen would not be here, including my minister of agriculture,” referring to John Steenhuisen, who is white.
Trump acknowledged Musk’s influence, stating, “This is what Elon wanted” during the meeting.
The Trump administration created a refugee program specifically for white Afrikaners while restricting refugee admissions from other countries. Of 7,500 available refugee slots in 2025, the majority were designated for Afrikaners. In May 2025, 59 white South Africans arrived in the U.S. as “refugees.” Secretary of State Marco Rubio defended this program, stating these individuals “passed every sort of check mark.” Ramaphosa countered that these individuals “do not fit the definition of a refugee.”
Interestingly, a group of prominent Afrikaners wrote an open letter titled “Not in Our Name,” rejecting Trump’s assertions. The letter, signed by writers, academics, business leaders, and descendants of apartheid-era figures, argued that white Afrikaners are not under existential threat and urged challenges to what they termed misinformation.
Trump boycotted South Africa’s G20 summit in November 2025, sending no U.S. officials to Africa’s first G20 hosting. Ramaphosa responded by describing Trump’s allegations as “blatant misinformation” and reaffirming South Africa’s G20 membership. He stated that Washington’s stance “has been influenced by a sustained campaign of disinformation by groups and individuals within our country, in the US, and elsewhere.”
Observers note that Musk and other tech figures with South African connections—including Peter Thiel and David Sacks—spent formative years in apartheid-era Southern Africa. Some analysts suggest this background may influence their perspectives on post-apartheid policies, though the individuals involved have varying stated views on these matters.
The land question and economic justice
Land reform remains one of South Africa’s most contentious issues, with divergent perspectives on how to address historical injustices.
White South Africans constitute approximately 7% of the population but own about 72% of agricultural land—a legacy of the 1913 Land Act, which restricted Black land ownership. In January 2025, South Africa passed the Expropriation Act, allowing government land expropriation in certain circumstances, sometimes without compensation when land is unused or when significant public interest exists. This resembles eminent domain laws in the United States and compulsory purchase laws in the United Kingdom.
As of the current reporting, no farms have been confiscated under the new law. The government has proceeded cautiously with implementation, though the law’s existence generates ongoing debate about property rights and historical redress.
Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment policies aim to address economic inequality by incentivizing companies to hire, promote, and partner with historically disadvantaged groups. These policies generate debate, with supporters arguing they’re necessary to address structural inequality and critics, including Musk, characterising them as discriminatory against white South Africans.
B-BBEE has acknowledged limitations. Some Black professionals report feeling tokenised, questioning whether they were hired for their qualifications or to meet quotas. However, proponents argue that without such interventions, the economic structures established under apartheid would perpetuate themselves, as companies might continue hiring people who “fit” existing corporate cultures.
Why racism persists despite legal progress
Professor Tshepo Madlingozi, a Commissioner at the South African Human Rights Commission, argues that dismantling racist systems requires decolonisation at both institutional and individual levels.
Several factors contribute to the persistence of racial inequality. Economic interests play a role, as those who benefit from current structures may resist significant redistribution. Institutional inertia affects change, as government departments, corporations, and universities were built on apartheid foundations and transform slowly.
Wealth redistribution has been limited. Beyond the Reconstruction and Development Programme housing initiative, direct asset redistribution has been minimal. When inequality is extreme, providing housing without addressing the broader wealth gap leaves fundamental economic structures unchanged.
Cultural factors also play a role. Global media influences may reinforce certain racial hierarchies, as Black South Africans growing up post-apartheid report limited representation in toys, media, and beauty standards. Some researchers suggest this contributes to internalisation of certain beliefs, colourism, and standards that centre on European aesthetics.
The “born free” generation often inherits perspectives from previous generations. Young people report learning attitudes about other racial groups from family and community rather than personal experience, which can perpetuate divisions without authentic cross-racial interaction.
What’s actually being done
South Africa has implemented various measures to address racism and inequality, though their effectiveness remains debated.
In 2019, South Africa launched the National Action Plan to Combat Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance. This comprehensive framework emerged from South Africa hosting the 2001 World Conference Against Racism. The plan includes monitoring systems for racial incidents, education campaigns, data collection, victim protection, accountability measures, and human rights advancement.
South Africa’s Constitution guarantees equality and prohibits discrimination. Key legislation includes the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act, the Employment Equity Act prohibits workplace discrimination and mandates affirmative action, and the South African Schools Act which addresses educational inequality.
Courts have ruled that racist language constitutes prohibited hate speech. Employees making discriminatory remarks can face dismissal, and employers may be held liable for racist conduct by their employees. The legal framework exists, though implementation and enforcement face ongoing challenges.
The South African Human Rights Commission investigates racist incidents and promotes equality. Recent investigations have identified systematic discrimination at universities and other institutions.
Beyond legal frameworks, addressing racism requires active engagement at multiple levels. This includes education about how racism manifests, speaking against discriminatory behavior, building authentic cross-racial relationships, and challenging inherited prejudices.
Organizations are encouraged to create genuinely inclusive cultures through enforced anti-discrimination policies, unconscious bias training, transparent recruitment processes, mentorship programs for historically disadvantaged groups, diversity audits with accountability, and creating pathways from underserved communities.
Professor Madlingozi suggests that focusing solely on individual incidents is insufficient. Addressing systemic racism requires deconstructing apartheid-era structures, implementing anti-racist policies, urban planning that addresses spatial segregation, wealth redistribution, educational reform, and equal access to healthcare, infrastructure, and services.
Comprehensive transformation would involve land reform, equitable resource allocation, investment in disadvantaged communities, support for Black-owned businesses, progressive taxation, and improved access to capital and economic opportunities.
The bottom line
Evidence indicates that racism persists in South Africa three decades after apartheid’s end, though the nature and manifestations differ from the legal segregation of the past.
Contemporary racism in South Africa manifests primarily through economic inequality rather than explicit legal discrimination. Black unemployment stands at 31% compared to white unemployment at 6.7%. Wealth concentration remains extreme, with 80% held by 10% of the population. Black workers earn approximately one-third of what white workers earn on average. Residential segregation persists, and educational systems continue to reflect historical inequalities.
However, the claims of systematic white persecution or genocide lack factual support. South African government data and independent analyses contradict these assertions. Most violent crime victims in South Africa are Black. Farm murders occur at relatively low levels and affect both Black and white South Africans, appearing to result from criminal activity rather than systematic targeting.
South Africans of various backgrounds are working to address racial inequality, though they often disagree on methods and pace. The National Action Plan provides a framework, the legal system offers protections, and civil society remains engaged.
Progress faces obstacles, including slow transformation, resistance to change, and differing views on appropriate remedies. The Trump administration’s approach to South Africa has been characterised as problematic by various observers, including the Council on Foreign Relations, which questioned both the factual basis and diplomatic wisdom of the administration’s stance.
Some analysts argue that Musk’s perspective reflects unresolved tensions about post-settler societies—how to address historical injustices while incorporating all current residents. His business interests and stated concerns about affirmative action policies add complexity to his public statements on South African issues.
As Nelson Mandela wrote: “No one is born hating another person because of the colour of their skin, or his background, or his religion. People learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.”
South Africa continues working toward becoming a truly non-racial democracy. This involves ongoing efforts to address economic inequality, dismantle remaining barriers to opportunity, and build understanding across racial lines. The path forward requires engagement from all South Africans, along with accurate information and good-faith dialogue about the challenges that remain.
